تم تنفيذ حكم بجلد 80ضربة على ليلى بيات في طهران في الساعة الحادية بعد الظهر الثلاثاء 19/أيلول –سبتمبر2017
كانت ليلا بيات اللاجئة التي أعادتها حكومة النرويجية في شهر مارس /آذار إلى إيران. إنها احتجزت في عام 2007مع 3من أصدقائها في ضيافة خصوصية حيث أدينت بجلد 80ضربة بسبب تعاطيهم المشروبات الكحولية .
جدير بالذكر أنه تم فصل ليلى بيات من إبنها الذي حالياً في 13عاماً من العمروأعيدت إلى إيران حيث كانت تحاول منذ آنذاك لتوقيف عقوقة الجلد ولكن أصبحت محاولاتها دون جدوى وفي نهاية المطاف تم إجراء هذا الحكم اللاإنساني .
Since its foundation, by Ayatollah Rouhollah Khomeini, the regime of Iran has succeeded in maintaining its absolute power through the massive use of torture and executions of its citizens. They are now trying to cover up their crimes.
The ugly reality is that thousands of Iranians were sent to the gallows and torture chambers for absurd and preposterous charges of “enmity against God” or “spying for external powers.” In the 1980s, thousands of educated youth of Iran, who had been sympathetic to the opposition groups, were executed by the mullahs. In summer of 1988 alone, based on the decree of Khomeini, 30,000 political prisoners, most of whom were members or supporters of the Mujahedin (PMOI or MeK), were executed.
Four decades of savage suppression by the mullahs has frustrated Iran's people who now look for any opportunity to show their abhorrence for the government. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, President Hassan Rouhani and other Iranian officials are, more than ever, frightened of another mass uprising. According to the report from the National Council of Resistance in Iran (NCRI), Amnesty International has launched a campaignon Monday calling on the authorities of the Iranian regime to “urgently stop the destruction of a mass grave in the southern city of Ahvaz.”
At least “a dozen political prisoners killed during a wave of mass extrajudicial executions in August and September 1988 are buried” in the mass grave.
Film footage obtained by Amnesty International “shows the site is gradually being buried beneath piles of construction waste” after a construction near the area began earlier this year.
“Bulldozing the mass grave at Ahvaz will destroy crucial forensic evidence that could be used to bring those responsible for the 1988 mass extrajudicial executions to justice. It would also deprive families of victims of their rights to truth, justice and reparation, including the right to bury their loved ones in dignity. By joining Amnesty International’s campaign, people can help to press Iran’s authorities to stop the imminent destruction of the site,” said Philip Luther, Amnesty International’s Research and Advocacy Director for the Middle East and North Africa. He added: “Instead of desecrating the mass grave with piles of rubbish and waste and further tormenting families, who face repression for their efforts to protect the memory of their loved ones, the authorities should be upholding their duty to preserve all Iran’s mass grave sites so that investigations can be carried out into the 1988 extrajudicial executions and other mass killings.”
Amnesty International is calling on people to join the campaign by promoting the hashtag #MassGraves88 on social media.
The Iranian regime executed more than 30,000 political prisoners, the overwhelming majority of whom were activists of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), upon a direct fatwa by Khomeini in July 1988.
The victims were buried in secret mass graves. The 1988 massacre was described as the worst crime in the history of the Islamic Republic by the late Hossein-Ali Montazeri, the heir apparent of Khomeini, the founder of the regime, at the time.
Many perpetuators of this crime currently hold high positions within the regime.
Hassan Rouhani, the president of the Iranian regime and many of his cabinet’s principal figures held positions of influence in the summer of 1988 and were well aware of the massacre. Some were prominent participants in it, and indeed Rouhani’s first-term Justice Minister, Mostafa Pour-Mohammadi, was one of four members of the Tehran death commission.
Last month Pour-Mohammadi was replaced by Alireza Avaie. He filled a similar role on the death commission in Khuzestan Province, the same province in which a mass grave is being destroyed.
A few days after the replacement, upon an order by Ali Khamenei, Pour-Mohammadi was appointed as an advisor to head of the Iranian regime’s judiciary Sadegh Larijani.
INU - On the 29th anniversary of the massacre of political prisoners in Iran, and the first anniversary of the Movement Calling for Justice for the Victims of the 1988 Massacre, a ceremony was held at one of the PMOI/MEK headquarters in Tirana, capital of Albania, on Saturday, August 19, 2017.
Many dignitaries and Human Right activists attended and addressed the ceremony. The included, the daughter of the late Senator Robert Kennedy and President of Robert Kennedy Human Rights Foundation, Ms. Kerry Kennedy, along with Mr. Mariano Rabino, member of the Foreign Affairs and Human Rights committees of the Parliament of Italy, and Senator Pietro Liuzzi, member of Cultural and EU Policy committees of the Italian Senate, as well as Ms. Ingrid Betancourt, former Senator from Columbia, and Tahar Boumedra, former director of the Human Rights Office of UNAMI.
The President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, made a speech at this gathering. She laid a flower wreath at the monument commemorating the victims, and paid them respects at the end of the ceremony.
Mrs. Rajavi’s speech before the attendees of the ceremony is reproduced below:
Dear sisters and brothers, the honorable friends of the Iranian Resistance,
I salute you all.
The presence of supporters of Iranian Resistance in this gathering, which is calling for justice for the victims of the 1988 massacre in Iran, is heartwarming.
This is an extraordinary gathering. Among you here today, more than 920 have spent many years in prisons of the Shah and Khomeini. Nearly 10 percent were incarcerated under the Shah and about 90 percent under the mullahs’ regime. Some served anywhere from 5 to 10 and 12, 13, 15 and even 17 years.
In 2009, the Iranian Resistance’s Leader Massoud Rajavi said that the names of all of you, who were in Camp Ashraf, Iraq, at the time, had been sent to all relevant international organizations.
The renowned American law professor Alan Dershowitz, once described the residents of Ashraf as “the largest concentration of witnesses” to the crimes of the Iranian regime in the world and urged the international community to protect these witnesses.
Hail to each and every one of you!
Every freedom-loving Iranian pays respects to the martyred heroes of the 1988 massacre and honors their memory. The highest and most precious commemoration, however, is what you did by reaching Ashraf from the regime’s torture chambers amid the many mass killings. You bore the scars and the wounds of torture on your bodies, but could not be stopped. You suffered greatly under the regime’s blockade in Ashraf and Liberty and persevered despite your injured bodies.
You recounted the innocence of the victims, conveyed their defiance of surrender and their message to everyone.
Indeed, what could be a more effective and appropriate commemoration for those martyrs than what you did?
Time and again, I have heard you speak of the valiant Mojahdein prisoners who hailed Massoud Rajavi when facing the torturers and executioners. They called out his name while bidding farewell when taken to the gallows.
By repeating this forbidden name, they wanted to not only express their love and faith in Massoud but to send a message to every one of us.
Their message was to Mojahedin who were continuing their path, to the generation that would follow them and to the youths who would be hearing their unfinished story. And that message was: to follow Massoud Rajavi’s path and ideal, the path of paying the price of freedom, the path of the unrelenting struggle for equality, and the path to fight for a society devoid of oppression, discrimination, ignorance, and duplicity.
Dear brothers and sisters,
Khomeini issued the fatwa for this horrific massacre. In those days, in response to the objections of Hossein Ali Montazeri, his heir apparent at the time, he wrote, "The religious responsibility of this decree lies with me” and stated his wish for the annihilation of the PMOI/MEK.
But now, history has damned Khomeini and the Mojahedin are the flames of hope, inspiring freedom.
September 6 will mark the 52nd anniversary of the founding of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran. Our founders founded this organization to bring freedom and eradicate all forms of oppression. To do so, they sacrificed their lives.
They taught their comrades in arm to be the harbingers of new values and lead the way. They also taught us the secret, which is to be truthful and willing to sacrifice.
The PMOI members massacred in 1988 were faithful to this same teaching. They persevered on their stance in the fight against the ruling religious tyranny. They thus founded a tradition which was later called, “standing by one’s ideal.”
Indeed, our movement has survived and thrived because it has stood by its ideal to liberate the people of Iran.
Iran’s future and the Iranian people’s freedom will be achieved by standing by one’s ideal, namely keeping aloft the flag and paying the price of overthrowing the mullahs’ reactionary Caliphate.
So, in the memory of those massacred heroes, let us recall some of their final words and messages.
Daryoush Rezaii, born in Mahidasht in Kermanshah, wrote in a poem for freedom:
“O’ freedom! Neither you thirst for blood, nor do we want to shed our own blood. How unfortunate that the evil executioners have drenched the path between us in blood.”
And these are the words of a brave PMOI woman, Zahra Bijanyar, who had been imprisoned for years in Ghezel Hessar Prison, to her relatives:
“I have realized that even if the oppressors mutilate our bodies they cannot take our lives so long as we remain steadfast in our beliefs. They can take our lives only when we sell out our faith and hearts. This is the secret to resistance and sacrifice in the history of mankind. Pray to God to bestow me faith and belief so that I would never put that which I desire before His.”
And Ahmad Ra’ouf, from Rasht, said, “They kept beating me all the time and asking me my name. I knew that they knew my name, but I did not tell them anything. I wanted to test myself and see how steel become stained steel.”
Now, let us flash back 29 years, to a scene in the city of Gatchsaran in southern Iran. The body of a young girl was hanging in the city’s main square. It was Massoumeh Barzandeh who was only 20 at the time of her execution. A sign on her clothes said: “She had been a PMOI recruiter.”
Massoumeh rose to the Heavens, but she continues to recruit young people for the PMOI. And today, 29 years on, Amnesty International writes in its report that “younger human rights defenders born after the 1979 Revolution” are targeted for “seeking the truth and justice” for the victims of the massacres in the 1980s.
And finally, I want to pay homage to Monireh Rajavi.
Throughout her detention, she cared for all her cellmates. She was a selfless and emancipated woman. Let us not forget the words she said to her cellmates in prison: “They want to kill our humanity and this is what we must fight against. We must show our affection toward each other more than ever.”
Let us applaud for one minute for all these heroes and heroines.
Dear sisters and brothers, honorable friends,
The Campaign Calling for Justice for the Victims of the 1988 Massacre has expanded over the past year both in Iran and abroad. In response, the clerical regime undertook enormous effort to neutralize this movement. But it has failed miserably.
The mullahs were forced to retreat from their policy of hiding the 1988 massacre. The conspiracy of silence was shattered. The regime’s officials tried to justify this horrendous crime but they could not convince even many of their own clerics to defend the fatwa issued by Khomeini.
Indeed, the prospect of the regime’s overthrow stymied the regime’s supporters and allies. In contrast, many spoke out in defense of the PMOI/MEK. Many opened their eyes and saw the righteousness of the PMOI’s path and ideal such that throughout the past year, the mullahs repeatedly said and wrote that the PMOI/MEK had been vindicated in society.
This was yet another major defeat for the mullahs’ theocratic regime.
After the sham presidential election, when offering an assessment of the state of the regime, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s said the place of victims and executioners had been switched.
Yes, we managed to overcome the regime’s official propaganda.
Everyone saw that Khamenei had made a major political investment in Ebrahim Raisi, a member of the Death Commission in the 1988 massacre, to become president. But he was defeated by the Call for Justice movement.
The 1988 massacre is the hallmark of the mullahs’ religious dictatorship. In his first term, Hassan Rouhani appointed Mostafa Pour Mohammadi, a member of the Death Commission, as his Justice Minister. Now, in his second term, he has nominated as Minister of Justice another perpetrator of the massacre in Khuzistan Province. The European Union has already designated and sanctioned this man, Alireza Avayi, for being directly involved in violations of human rights. In reality, none of the regime’s factions can or want to distance themselves from this crime.
For this reason, in the past year, a number of the regime’s most disgraced murderers tried to justify the massacre in the face of the Call for Justice movement. These admissions are among the most important documents incriminating the regime’s leaders. They once again proved that it is the Iranian people’s inalienable right to overthrow the regime.
That you have compelled them to make such admissions represents one of the achievements of the Call for Justice movement over the past year. These confessions are particularly important because they have been made recently and can therefore provide a solid basis for an international commission of inquiry into the 1988 massacre.
At the same time, it is essential that the UN Security Council refer this case to the International Criminal Court to arrange for the prosecution of the regime’s leaders and those responsible for the massacre.
How the international community approaches this genocide and this crime against humanity is a litmus test of its adherence to the principles of human rights. As Massoud Rajavi said years ago, the prosecution and punishment of the perpetrators and masterminds of the 1988 massacre are the inalienable rights of human society, the people of Iran, and the PMOI/MEK.
Owing to the valuable year-round activities of the Resistance’s network inside Iran, today, we have ample evidence and documents. They include many names of the victims, the names of 112members of the Death Commission in Tehran and other provinces, nearly all of whom hold key positions in the regime. We also have the names and particulars of 213 criminals who carried out the death decrees in 35 cities as well as the information about the locations of several mass graves that had been previously hidden.
The PMOI Investigative Unit has recently acquired the names of hundreds of victims of the massacre in 1988 from inside the country. Each of these names has been thoroughly examined and verified, and their files have been completed. Accordingly, today, we announce the names of 426 members of the PMOI massacred in 1988, but whose names had not been announced previously.
Also, the new edition of the book titled, Crime Against Humanity, has been published in English. It contains the names and particulars of more than 5,000 PMOI martyrs as well as the pictures of hundreds of victims and their graves.
This book is presented to the people of Iran on the eve of the 52nd anniversary of the foundation of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran.
The work by the PMOI Investigative Unit is continuing and the names and particulars of many other martyrs are being investigated. Once completed they will be made public.
Here, I would like to call on my fellow compatriots help us in finding new names, pictures and particulars of the martyrs.
I would also like to extend my gratitude to my countrymen and women, particularly the supporters of the PMOI/MEK inside Iran, for their endeavors in the collection of the new names.
Indeed, this tremendous dossier must be made public line by line. It must be made clear what happened in the prisons of Ahwaz, Mashhad, Tabriz, Shiraz, Isfahan, Kermanshah, Qom, and other cities.
Since the first days of this massacre, the regime started to arrest and subsequently execute many supporters of the PMOI/MEK and former political prisoners who were not in prison. It must be determined who were the ones arrested and executed and what happened in the summary trials in western Iran?
At the time, the courts dealing with crimes committed at the war fronts were given a different mission and placed at the service of the regime’s killing machine. Ali Razini, presently a Supreme Court official, and Salimi, a former member of the Guardian Council, are among those who held the summary trials and ordered the execution of several groups of residents in cities in western Iran. They executed youngsters who had assisted the National Liberation Army of Iran. The ruling mullahs, however, have not published any information on those murders and the so-called trials.
Over the past 29 years, we have repeatedly insisted that information on these incidents must be made public.
In 1995, the regime had to agree to a visit by the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Iran, Professor Maurice Capithorne.
In a telegram on February 9, 1996, on the eve of Capithorne’s visit, Massoud Rajavi raised 15 important questions:
How many prisoners has the clerical regime executed so far and how many of them lost their lives under torture? How many were executed during the massacre of political prisoners in summer and fall 1988, to which even Mr. Hossein-Ali Montazeri, then-Khomeini’s designated successor protested?
Where were the bodies of those executed buried? Are their families and relatives still not informed of their places of burial and are they not authorized to visit the graves of their loved ones?
And where are the mass graves? How many victims are buried there and what are their names?
Yes, we will not relent until each and every one of these cases are opened and until everyone involved in this crime against humanity is put on trial before the people of Iran.
Dear sisters and brothers,
The regime that shed the blood of Iran’s most valiant children, subsequently sanctioned every other crime by violating all ethical and humanitarian principles. Today, the Call for Justice Movement has shaken the clerical regime to its foundations and is focusing on all of the mullahs’ crimes and treacheries, including:
The mass executions of the 1980s;
The massacres in the Kurdistan of Iran;
The forced dispatch of thousands of teenagers to the minefields during the war with Iraq and other war crimes;
The chain murders of dissident intellectuals;
The assassinations of hundreds of opponents abroad;
The bloody crackdown on the uprising in Qazvin;
The crackdown on the 2009 uprising and the atrocities which took place in Kahrizak Prison;
The systematic assaults on women in prisons;
The mutilation of Christian priests;
The repeated slaughter of our Arab compatriots in Khuzistan;
The bombing of the Holy Shrine of Imam Reza;
The terrorist operations against other countries, including in Mecca, Saudi Arabia;
And the dossiers of seven bloodbaths at camps Ashraf and Liberty in Iraq, especially the massacre of 52 PMOI members on September 1, 2013.
These 13 dossiers, are some of the most important crimes that the regime has perpetrated.
The more the Call for Justice Movement advances, the more these dossiers are brought out of darkness.
The Call for Justice for the victims of the 1988 massacre is a national issue and an indispensable part of the Iranian people’s noble campaign to overthrow the clerical regime.
This campaign seeks to expand the resistance and the battle to bring down the religious tyrannical regime in Iran and establish freedom, democracy, and equality for all citizens.
We salute all those who have risen against the clerical regime. From here, we send our greetings to the political prisoners in Iran, especially those who are presently on hunger strike in Gohardasht Prison. We hail all of them for their determination and resistance.
I am confident that the religious dictatorship ruling Iran will be overthrown by the Iranian people’s uprising and resistance, and with their Army of Freedom and 1,000 bastions of rebellion.
The sacrifices made by our martyrs continue to open the way and guarantee our people’s victory.
The situation of nurses' employment and occupation in Iran merits attention.
According to the latest figures compiled on the number of protests taking place in Iran, an average of 20 protests take place in Iran every day. One of the sectors constantly staging protests are the nurses. Despite their heavy-duty involving a lot of work, pressure and harms, the majority of nurses in Iran do not have official employment. They work on temporary contracts. They are offered a small salary and even that small salary is not regularly paid.
The latest protest by nurses was in Boushehr on August 24, 2017, where they protested non-payment of eight months of their past due salaries. Women nurses in Semnan also staged protests on July 16 and 17, 2017, outside the Governor's Office in this city to demand 11 months of past due salaries. The nurses and staff of one of the hospitals in Yasouj also staged a protest on May 30, 2017, demanding six months of non-paid salary. Similar protests have been staged all across the country throughout the year.
The Vice-President of the Nursing Organization had to acknowledge that while nurses are forced to work overtime, their overtime fees had not been paid for between six to ten months.
Nurses are not paid while regime officials have admitted that in the past 1.5 years, at least 16 educated nurses between 25 and 45 years of age have died at their workplace due to pressure caused by working different shifts, leading to heart stroke and other fatal problems.
Five months earlier, the same official announced that 10 nurses had died at work. This means that in only five months, six nurses have died at the workplace due to pressure at work. It should be noted that the figures officially announced by Iranian officials have to be considered to be the minimum.
One of the vice-presidents of the Nursing Organization, Dr. Jaleh Ezzati, admitted that there is a shortage of nurses in hospitals. She said, “In Iran, every 15 patients have one nurse, while by the international standards every nurse has to attend to one or maximum of four patients.”
According to some reports, there are at least 11,000 unemployed nurses in Iran. The President of the Nursing Organization has admitted that some 40,000 unemployed nurses have registered at the organization’s website who are not willing to continue their work due to lack of job security. The official pointed out that there is an increasing absence of government support for nurses, and they have to endure tremendous pressure at work while receiving small salaries.
The Vice-President of the Nursing Organization has also indicated that there is a wide gap in the salaries of nurses and doctors. “The difference in the salaries of a nurse and a doctor in 99 per cent of countries, is three folds at most. In Iran, however, the difference is 100 folds. We have even had payrolls that are 500 times greater than those of nurses.”
At the same time, the number of graduates of nursing is not small, but there are many who do not get employment licenses after graduation. This is why many nurses decide to migrate despite rampant shortage of nurses in the country.
Nevertheless, we see that instead of compensating for the shortage of nurses in hospitals, official employment of educated nurses, eliminating the wide gap between doctors and nurses’ salaries, paying benefits for harmful jobs, and issuing license for the employment of educated nurses, the Ministry of Health has offered a plan according to which hospitals with sufficient facilities are allowed to train nurses. The plan of the Ministry of Health for training nurses in the hospitals was first announced two years ago. On May 13, 2017, the ministry renewed the directive on this plan.
Instead of making nurses’ employment official to resolve the critical shortage of nurses in hospitals, the Health Ministry seeks to take advantage of untrained graduates as cheap labor forces, activists of the nursing community say. They say that thousands of nurses are working on unofficial contracts despite years of experience in this field and the Health Ministry plan will jeopardize their job security.
In addition, some experts believe that the plan will take back the nursing profession 50 years.
Iran’s nursing community staged nationwide protests on August 6, 2017, against the Health Ministry’s plan. The protesters in Tehran, Shiraz, Isfahan, Ahwaz, Bojnourd, and Hormuzgan called for termination of the plan which pursues to train nurses in hospitals against all academic standards. They said they will continue their protests until they reach their demands.
On the sideline of nurses’ conditions, the employment of nurses’ aides must also be noted. Presently, some 10,000 trained nurse’s aides have not been recruited and their employment remains undecided. They have high school diplomas and have paid 4 million toumans to do the year-long training course.
While the United Nations and the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) has concentrated their 2017 agenda on elimination of discrimination against women’s economic, equal pay for equal work, closing the gap in participation in the job market, decent work for every woman, etc., the deplorable conditions of women nurses in Iran is cause for great concern and merits attention and solidarity on the part of the international community .
The military phase of the fight against ISIS is winding down after the liberation of Mosul, and the battle for the nearby town of Tal Afar is predicted to end soon. This has provided an opportunity for Iraq to begin distancing itself from the influence gained by Iran following the disastrous 2003 war, and returning to its true Arabic heritage.
Iraq was known as a melting pot where Arabs, Kurds and Turkmens lived alongside and in mixed societies for centuries. Prior to Iran gaining its disastrous sway across Mesopotamia, this was a land where the majority of Shiites lived and prospered with their Sunni, Christian, Yazidi and all other religious minority brothers.
Has not the time arrived for Iraq to regain its true position as part of the Arab world, and rid its soil of the meddling of Iran’s clerics?
Long-awaited developments
Iraqi officials have embarked on a new campaign of visiting Saudi Arabia and other Arab Sunni states, signaling long-welcomed changes. The influential Sadrist leader Muqtada was seen in the final days of July meeting with Saudi Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman.
Only days later Sadr paid a visit to the United Arab Emirates, another critic of Iran’s policies, where he was welcomed as an Iraqi leader by a slate of leading politicians and clerics.
Sadr’s visit rendered a variety of measures by Riyadh, including launching a Saudi Consulate in Sadr’s hometown of Najaf, one of the two holiest Shiite cities in Iraq. Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, known as Iraq’s most senior Shiite cleric, his distance from Tehran’s viewpoints and calling for Iraq to practice openness in establishing relations, did not block such a proposition
Iran, however, resorted to strong remarks against Sadr for his visits to Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The visit was even described by a local wire as an act of betrayal to the Houthis in Yemen.
Iran’s support for the Shiite proxy militias, through arms, logistics and finances, parallel to advisors dispatched by the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) and Lebanese Hezbollah, have resulted in the humanitarian catastrophe Yemen finds itself today.
Sadr is also planning a visit to Egypt, adding to the list of senior Iraqi officials, including Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi and the ministers of foreign affairs, interior, oil and transportation who are set to visit Saudi Arabia. Despite investing in Iraq for the past 14 years, Iran has been deprived of visits of such high stature.
No future
Iran’s proxies, while taking the credit for much of the fight against ISIS on the ground, have been accused of law violations and refusing to obey the state of Iraq. Iraqi authorities affiliated to Iran have a very poor report card of being involved in corruption and sacrificing Iraqi national interest in Tehran’s favor.
This became a major issue during the second term of former Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki, who some have even described as Iran’s “puppet.” Maliki is known to have close relations with Tehran and Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei himself.
To make matters even worse, the recent departure of Majid al-Nasrawi, governor of the oil-rich city of Basra located at the southern tip of Iraq, has recently left for Iran. His departure followed being accused of numerous corruption offences by a government transparency committee. Choosing Iran as a destination has left further impression of him fleeing to a safe haven, and Tehran having a hand in Iraqi corruption.
Rebuilding cities
As Sadr and other Iraqi officials continue their meetings with senior Arab officials of the region, there are also major talks under way between Baghdad and Riyadh to establish a new alliance that would provide Saudi Arabia a leading role in rebuilding war-torn cities across Iraq.
On August 14th the Cabinet of Saudi Arabia announced a coordination committee to spearhead a variety of health care and humanitarian projects, including building hospitals in Baghdad and Basra, and providing fellowships to Iraqi students in Saudi universities. Opening border crossings and establishing free trade areas between the two countries is also on the agenda.
Riyadh should lead the Arab world in tipping the balance of power against Tehran’s interests in Iraq. The truth is Iran has not carried out any major economic project in Iraq from 2003 onward, due to the fact that the mullahs do not seek the prosperity of their western neighbor.
Saudi Arabia and the Arab world should provide the support Iraq needs after suffering from Iran’s menacing influence that has brought nothing but death and destruction. Evicting Iran from Iraq must come parallel to efforts of ending its presence in Lebanon, Syria and Yemen.
The main obstacle before the Arab world in establishing a coalition against Iran’s clerics is this regime’s meddling and the IRGC presence across the region. With Iran evicted from Iraq, the void should be filled by economic support by the Arab world for Iraq.
And with the US Congress adopting a bill against the IRGC, Riyadh must take the lead to have all IRGC members, proxies and Iran-related elements expelled from the region. Only such a policy will allow the Middle East to one day experience tranquility and peaceful coexistence.
The growing movement calling for justice for the 1988 massacre of 30,000 political prisoners in Iran, has provoked the Iranian regime to attempt to discredit the movement.State-run Basij News recently wrote, “The People’s Mojahedin of Iran (MEK/PMOI) has organized the maximum propaganda and military activities against the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The unresolved issue is how some of the political circles support the MEK’s measures in the current situation and they question the events of the 80s, while trying to call the hangman a martyr.”
Leadership of the regime have criticized France for hosting the National Council of Resistance of Iran ( NCRI)’s annual “Free Iran” event. At “The Islamic Human Rights’ Conference”, Foad Eezadi stated, “France hosts Iran’s enemies, whereas it established economic relations with Iran after the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).” He added, “We had a lot of sanctions before the Iran Nuclear Deal. However, the question is that who is left out sanctions after this deal? According to this law, even the President could be sanctioned. The U.S. has enlisted us as the enemy country. Consequently, it doesn’t make much of a difference to give or not to give concessions as long as we are on this list.”
By discrediting the MEK, the regime hopes to discredit the movement. The MEK is seen as the foundation of the protests and domestic uprisings within Iran. The regime wants to confront the MEK, arguing that the regime’s unwillingness to discuss the massacre gives the MEK a foothold with the youth and others, because of the questions they raise.
Mohammad Sadeq Koushki, an international affairs expert in Iran, said, “We should have given people as much information about the MEK that there was no ambiguity about the executions in 1988.”
It appears that the regime is not able to obstruct the popular position of the MEK with the younger generation, although the state-run media, and lobbyists in the international community continue to try. The regime promotes outright suppression of the group. Even with these efforts, the MEK/PMOI continue their focus on the rights of the Iranian people and advocate for human rights and the freedom to express political opinions.
Films made about the MEK must reflect the views of the regime. Historically accurate films cause the filmmaker to be accused of being a supporter of the MEK. A filmmaker was quoted as saying, “Many people, even at the government level, go along with these deceptive slogans.”
The MEK/PMOI questions the actions of the Iranian regime. Their network within the country has exposed the actions of the regime to the international community.
Besides the MEK/PMOI, others who oppose the regime have built a coalition known as the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), which is the democratic alternative to the fundamentalism of the regime. They have developed a 10-Point Plan for building a free, non-nuclear, and democratic country to replace the regime’s fundamentalism and exporting of terrorism.
On Wednesday, Amnesty International issued a new report on human rights abuses in the Islamic Republic of Iran, with particular emphasis on the trends that they have followed since the 2013 election of President Hassan Rouhani. Contrary to the expectations of some Western officials and some of Rouhani’s initial body of domestic followers,
the so-called moderate has consistently failed to oversee improvements in the human rights situations over the course of his first four years in office, which end this week with his inauguration for a second term.
In fact, far more than just failing to deliver on promised reforms, Rouhani’s presidency has coincided with a “vicious crackdown” on social activists and civil society, according to the Amnesty report. The human rights advocacy group points to several specific cases in order to highlight the broader trend of long prison sentences being handed down for activities that cannot be reasonably identified as crimes.
One such case is that of Arash Sadeghi, an activist who is serving 19 years in prison for activities like communicating with international human rights defenders, and who is now reported to be in critically poor health following a months-long hunger strike and the punitive denial of medical treatment by prison authorities. Another case is that of Narges Mohammadi, a renowned human rights lawyer who is serving a 16-year sentence, largely as punishment for communicating with the European Union’s head of foreign policy in 2014.
The Amnesty report also highlights the targeting of labor organizers and ethnic/religious minorities. But its larger point is that the overall threshold for defining activities as national security crimes has steadily diminished throughout the first four years of Rouhani’s presidency. At the same time, the sentences for these things have grown more severe. The Iranian judiciary is able to easily get away with arbitrary arrests and punishment, because of rampant abuse in the country’s legal system. Amnesty has identified specific cases in which activists were handed years-long prison sentences after trials lasting only 45 minutes after defense attorneys were either obstructed in their work or targeted with threats of legal consequences if they earnestly advocated for the accused.
The regular persecution of human rights defenders in the Islamic Republic indicates that the Iranian regime is devoting its efforts to simply suppressing criticism of human rights abuses, as opposed to actually addressing relevant criticisms coming both from the international community and from the Iranian public. The efforts to block information leaks are backed up by outright denials from Iranian officials, many of them denying any wrongdoing whatsoever, either intentional or unintentional.
Iran Human Rights Monitor points out, for instance, that Iran’s own so-called human rights official, Javad Larijani recently asserted that there were no political prisoners in the country at all. This claim immediately preceded a heavily stage-managed tour given to foreign diplomats, of Tehran’s notorious Evin Prison. As has previously been reported, last month’s public relations stunt was conducted without the presence of any human rights monitors and showcased only a select portion of the prison while steadfastly avoiding contact between the foreign diplomats and the political prisoners who are housed in the facility, primarily in their own dedicated wards.
Iran Human Rights Monitor described all of this as “an attempt on the part of the regime to debunk growing international criticism of Iran's human rights violations, especially in its prisons.” But clearly such public relations efforts are doing little to diminish international reporting upon ongoing abuses, especially as those abuses escalate, contradicting previous expectations of domestic progress.
One of the earliest signs of a worsening human rights outlook under the Rouhani presidency was the escalating usage of the death penalty in a country that had already acquired a reputation for consistently leading the world in per capita rates of execution. In 2015 alone, approximately 1,000 people were put to death by hanging in the Islamic Republic, and Rouhani was credited with overseeing the worst period of executions in 25 years. Since then, the rate of hangings has fluctuated dramatically, but the periodic flurries of execution have been more than enough to let Iran retain its world-leading title. In 2016, the Islamic Republic accounted for 55 percent of all of the known executions that had been carried out across the globe.
The Iran Human Rights Monitor report indicated that 102 Iranian death sentences were carried out in July 2017 alone, at the end of which 120 additional executions were still pending. That month’s executions accounted for nearly half the number that had been carried out during the previous six months. The total figure for the first six months of 2017 was 239.
What’s more, the human rights concerns on this issue are not just limited to the overuse of capital punishment or even to the fact that it is applied to nonviolent crimes including drug trafficking and some political or religious crimes such as “enmity against God.” Tehran has also been criticized for continuing to apply the death penalty to persons who were still minors at the time of their alleged offenses, and for carrying some executions out in public, as by hanging convicts from cranes over assembled crowds that have sometimes been shown to include children.
The Iran Human Rights website reports that one such execution took place on Tuesday, with the 28-year-old convict Hossein Sarooki being hanged before a crowd of approximately 5,000 people. The public nature of the execution was proudly acknowledged by Iranian state media, and Iran Human Rights Monitor reported that that same state media had widely publicized at least seven of the executions carried out in July. In the first half of 2017, at least a dozen executions were carried out in public, and at least three persons who had been under 18 at the time of their offenses were put to death.
Whereas Tehran’s response to some Western criticisms of these trends is simple denial, there are also instance in which Iranian officials disregard those criticisms as cultural impositions by imperial powers. The execution of minors is one such example, in which case the clerical regime proudly stands by laws that allow for the contravention of international human rights standards. Similarly, various Iranian officials have proudly acknowledged their role in past incidents that foreign observers have described as crimes against humanity. Perhaps the most prominent example of this is Justice Minister Mostafa Pourmohammadi’s public statement last year affirming that he feels proud of his participation in a massacre of political prisoners in 1988, which Pourmohammadi described as carrying out “God’s commandment” of death for the opposition People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran.
This sort of boasting has also been applied to known instances of the Iranian state killing other declared enemies, including Western nationals. On Wednesday, Commentary Magazine pointed out that the deputy commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps’ Quds Force, Brigadier General Esmail Qaani had publicly bragged about the organization’s role in killing Americans during the American occupation of neighboring Iraq.
While this rhetoric was directed against US servicemen on foreign soil, it is still relevant to the domestic human rights situation in Iran because a handful of the country’s political prisoners are Western nationals, while others have apparently been targeted on the basis of their connections to the US, Britain, or other Western nations. Last week, the US House of Representatives held a hearing for the families of four American citizens and one US permanent resident who are being held hostage in Iran. One of those individuals, Robert Levinson, vanished without a trace after being taken into custody 10 years ago, and the others were arrested more recently and are serving sentences of upwards of 10 years, on the basis of unsubstantiated accusations of spying.
In a recent interview with CBS News, Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif attempted to deny that one of these individuals, the 81-year-old Baquer Namazi, is even being held in prison. But his family in the United States has been in contact with people who have visited him in Evin. This once again goes to show the inadequacy of Iranian denials in the face of steadily growing evidence for persistent human rights abuses.
American, Canadian, and British authorities are well aware of the existence of Iranian political prisoners, if only because their own citizens have been included in those ranks. At the same time, it is difficult for Tehran to deny that it is holding prisoners of conscience, since its punitive crackdowns on those specific prison populations have generated very public activism from the same. The National Council of Resistance of Iran reported on Wednesday that dozens of inmates in Gohardasht prison began an indefinite hunger strike after prison authorities raided their wards, threatened at least one inmate with early implementation of his death sentence, and arbitrarily transferred prisoners in an apparent attempt to prevent information escaping the prison and reaching international human rights authorities.
Throughout recent months, hunger strikes have proven effective at attracting domestic and international attention to the abuse of political prisoners, even in spite of the ongoing efforts by the regime to suppress communication between prisoners and the general public.
The Hill, July 26, 2017 - Consider three quotes that provide a way of looking back to look forward:President Obama in 2013 address to the United Nations :“We are not seeking regime change, and we respect the right of the Iranian people to access peaceful nuclear energy.”When asked whether the Trump administration supports “a philosophy of regime change in Iran,
Secretary of State Rex Tillerson said the U.S. would work with Iranian opposition groups toward the “peaceful transition of that government.” Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) echoed Tillerson’s view, saying “it’s time the Iranian people had a free and open society and a functioning democracy,” effectively a call for regime change. The Obama quote reassuring the Iranian regime that its survival was not on the table stands in marked contrast to those of Tillerson and McCain, for whom the idea of regime change from the people of Iran is on the table, or at least under the table in and around the Trump White House. On July 1, an event was held in Paris; there, I had conversations with Rep. Ted Poe (R-Texas), who explicitly called for regime change from within Iran by supporting Iranian oppositionists, in particular, the National Council of Resistance of Iran ( NCRI ). Ditto for other Trump allies, including John Bolton, former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations during the George W. Bush administration. On July 1, Bolton, said: “There is a viable opposition to the rule of the ayatollahs, and that opposition is centered in this room today. I had said for over 10 years since coming to these events, that the declared policy of the United States of America should be … to change the regime itself. And that’s why, before 2019, we here will celebrate in Tehran!” The Way Forward “Trump time” suggests a period of analysis of options as the President’s National Security Council reviews Iran policy. The review could present three options to Trump. First, follow the Obama precedent of reassuring Tehran the United States will not challenge the rule of the unelected Ayatollahs. Trump and the Congress, however, are so strongly opposed to the Iranian regime, they are unlikely to countenance the Obama policy toward Iran, which Trump considers “appeasement.” Obama lost his bet that Iran would moderate its ballistic missile testing, state-supported international terrorism, and human rights violations. His nuclear deal was inconsistent with regime change from within, e.g., via a coalition of dissident groups. Second, order preparations for the kind of coup d’état the CIA and British MI-6 intelligence service carried out in 1953, which overthrew a democratically-elected government in Iran. “All the Shah’s Men” describes how the coup occurred and the unintended negative consequences for Iranian perceptions of America for changing Iran’s government by covert action. Indicative of this option is an editorial in The New York Times of July 18, which sounds the alarm that, “A drumbeat of provocative words, outright threats and actions — from President Trump and some of his top aides as well as Sunni Arab leaders and American activists — is raising tensions that could lead to armed conflict with Iran.” But regime change from within is more than just an American issue. It is a “people of Iran” issue and what they want; it is not about the U.S. military going to war with Iran, as the editorial suggests. Third, support the pro-democracy coalition of dissidents, the NCRI, which is best able to mobilize other oppositionists into an even wider coalition. Also, there’s a new sheriff in town, President Trump, and he expressed a strong presence in his Riyadh address: Trump the deal-maker but one with core principles like “Drive them out.” “Drive them out of your places of worship,” Trump said of extremists, “drive them out of your holy land. Drive them out of this earth.” After the July 1 rally in Paris, Fox News reported the next day the president might defy the Iranian regime by signaling his willingness to look kindly on the resistance: “The Trump administration is potentially considering seeking a strategy to try to topple the regime.” The resistance, however, only needs American political and perhaps economic support to effect “regime change from within.” Even if he does not go so far as to topple the regime, Trump could increase his leverage against the Ayatollahs by supporting the resistance, conditioned on its continued eschewing of terrorist tactics. Doing so is bound to weaken an already faltering regime. In this respect, the tide is turning against Tehran in favor of the opposition. The Bottom Line The Iranian resistance benefits from aligning with the United States because the resistance is firmly in the camp of civilized states and does not commit acts of barbarism. Hence, President Trump is more likely to reach out to the Iranian opposition during his review of Iran policy than did President Obama, who valued the nuclear deal with Tehran too much to jeopardize it by opening up to the resistance. Dr. Raymond Tanter (@AmericanCHR) served as a senior member on the National Security Council staff in the Reagan-Bush administration and is now Professor Emeritus at the University of Michigan.
قتلعام و رازهای علی فلاحیان آخوند جنایتکار علی فلاحیان «… من از آغاز انقلاب تا به امروز سرباز گوش به فرمان نظام مقدس اسلامی و مقام ولایت بوده و هستم، هیچگاه بدون کسب اجازه و یا بدون دستورات مقامات عالی نظام کاری انجام ندادهام. حکم اعدام داریوش فروهر و پروانه اسکندری را به روال معمول همیشگی علی فلاحیان به من داد.» قتلعام و رازهای علی فلاحیان – آخوند فلاحیان در کنار سعید امامی(سعید امامی، معاون امنیتی وزارت اطلاعات در دوره تصدی آخوند علی فلاحیان بر وزارت اطلاعات و از عاملان قتلهای زنجیرهیی- جرس، ۱۲اردیبهشت ۱۳۹۱) قتلعام و رازهای علی فلاحیان – آخوند فلاحیان از سعید امامی میگوید«سعید امامی مدیر موفق و خوبی بود…» (خبرگزاری تدبیر- جمعه، ۱۹مهر ۱۳۹۲) علی فلاحیان، نامی که بیش از هر چیز با عبارت «قتلهای زنجیرهیی» مترادف است، این روزها اعترافات بیسابقهاش به قتلهای فجیع و اعدامهای گسترده بهویژه قتلعام مجاهدین در دهه ۶۰همراه با فیلم آن در میان عموم مردم و در فضای مجازی غوغا کرده است. قتلعام و رازهای علی فلاحیان – آخوند فلاحیان در لیست انترپولکسی که در ۱۶آبان ۱۳۸۶در صدر لیستی قرار گرفت که انترپل (پلیس بینالمللی) بهدلیل انفجار تروریستی بوئنس آیرس حکم وضعیت قرمز برایش صادر کرد. حکمی که همچنان برقرار است. علی فلاحیان محصول مدرسه حقانی فلاحیان خود را چنین معرفی میکند: «… سال 42-43به قم آمدم و وارد مدرسه منتظریه شدم که معروف به مدرسه حقانی هست. بهشتی و قدوسی این مدرسه را تأسیس کرده بودند… قرار بود در این مدرسه نیروهایی ساخته شوند که بعد از پیروزی انقلاب، از آنها در کادرهای نظام استفاده شود». (سایت حکومتی خزر ۲۷تیر ۹۶) از همین ابتدا معلوم میشود که او چه آخوندی است. چون کسانی که در مدرسه حقانی زیر نظر بهشتی ملعون و قدوسی معدوم برای قتلعام و جنایت پرورش یافتند، آخوندهایی شدند مثل مصطفی پورمحمدی، عضو هیأت مرگ در قتلعام تابستان ۶7و وزیر فعلی دادگستری! در دولت آخوند حسن روحانی؛ آخوند نیری، رئیس هیأت مرگ در قتلعام تابستان ۶۷و قاضیالقضات دیوان عالی؛ آخوند محسنیاژهای، معاون اول دستگاه قضایی رژیم؛ آخوند حسینیان، جانشین پیشین نماینده دادگاه انقلاب در وزارت اطلاعات با نام مستعار «خسرو خوبان»، علی رازینی، رئیس فعلی شعبه ۴۱دیوان عالی کشور؛ و… علی فلاحیان در آرزوی جلاد شدن علی فلاحیان که از زمان شاه در آرزوی این بود که یک مقام امنیتی شود، در یک مصاحبه گفته بود: «… علی فلاحیان در بخش از برنامهی شناسنامه در پاسخ به این سؤال که… آیا به این موضوع فکر میکردید که بعدها در نظامی که در کشور حاکم خواهد شد جزو نیروهای امنیتی شوید، اظهار داشت: امید داشتم». (آفتابنیوز- ۱۹مهر ۱۳۹۲) نیروی امنیتی هم در نظام قرونوسطایی ولایت فقیه معلوم است که به چه معناست: آخوند × ولایت فقیه × مقام امنیتی = یک جلاد و یک آخوند قسیالقلب شقاوت پیشه؛ و او در آرزوی داشتن چنین شخصیتی بود که الحق در نظام ضدبشری آخوندی به آن نائل آمد. قتلعام و رازهای علی فلاحیان - جنایات دهه ۶۰ آخوند علی فلاحیان درباره جنایات خود در سالهای سیاه دهه 60چنین میگوید: «خبرنگار: آیا همه مسئولیت ورود مجاهدین به فاز نظامی، گردن خودشان بود یا از این سو هم خطاهایی شده بود… مثلاً به تجمعاتشان حمله شود، افرادشان تحت فشار قرار بگیرند… به هر حال آنها هم ادعا داشتند که نیروی انقلابی هستند… آیا این عوامل… تاثیری نداشت؟ آخوند علی فلاحیان: خود آنها اصلاً این تحلیل را داشتند. رجوی حدود شاید ۳۶مقاله نوشت که نباید جنگ مسلحانه کرد». (سایت حکومتی خزر- ۲۷تیر ۹۶) به این ترتیب او اعتراف میکند این مجاهدین بودند که به استمرار فضای مسالمت اصرار میورزیدند و این رژیم آخوندی بود که با زدن و زندان و شکنجه و کشتن آنها، چارهیی جز زبان قهر برای آنان باقی نگذاشت. او یکبار درباره جنایات خود در مورد مجاهدین در مصاحبهیی گفته بود: «… من را به مشهد فرستادند و یک سال حاکم شرع مشهد بودم. از آنجا به تهران آمدم و قائممقام دادستان کل انقلاب شدم. همچنین در اطلاعات سپاه بهعنوان یکی از مسئولان برخورد با [مجاهدین] فعالیت میکردم… بین دادستانی، کمیته انقلاب و سپاه پاسداران یک نوع هماهنگی به وجود بیاورم و به کادرهای مجاهدین ضربات مهمی وارد کنیم. … مهدوی کنی به من زنگ زد و پیشنهاد کرد مسئولیت کمیتههای انقلاب را قبول کنم که به آنجا رفتم و طرح مالک و مستأجر را اجرا کردیم که در پی آن… (مجاهدین) دستگیر شدند…». (آفتابنیوز- ۱۹مهر ۱۳۹۲) «… خرداد ۶۰که مجاهدین خلق اطلاعیه سیاسی– نظامیشان را دادند برای جنگ مسلحانه… سازمان قدرتمندی در آنجا [کرمانشاه] درست کردند و آدمهای خوبی بهلحاظ نظامی بودند… من آن شب گفتم که همین امشب باید اینها دستگیر شوند. شورای تأمین استان تشکیل دادیم و دیدیم امکان ندارد. من آمدم در سپاه نشستم. در این زمان حاکم شرع بودم و خیلی قدرت داشتم. گفتند ۴۸ساعت وقت بدهید. گفتم اگر وقت بدهیم اینها جایشان را عوض میکنند. همین امشب باید حمله شود…». (سایت حکومتی خزر- ۲۷تیر ۹۶) جنبش دادخواهی و موج اعترافات کارگزاران رژیم قتلعام و رازهای علی فلاحیان – جنبش دادخواهیتا کنون در اثر موج عظیم جنبش دادخواهی خون قتلعام شدگان تابستان 67در داخل و خارج کشور، تعدادی از کارگزاران رژیم مجبور شدند دست به اعترافات حیرت انگیزی در این رابطه بزنند. اسراری که تاکنون پنهان بودند و برملا شدن آنها از سوی آمران و دستاندرکاران آن جنایت علیه بشریت، شقاوت هر چه بیشتر نظام آخوندی را از یکطرف و مظلومیت قربانیان آن جنایت را از طرف دیگر نشان میدهد. اکنون آخوند علی فلاحیان در این مصاحبه پردههای بیشتری در مورد قتلعام تابستان 67به کنار میزند و چهره کریه و حیوانی امام دجال را بیش از پیش به نمایش میگذارد. قتلعام و رازهای علی فلاحیانآخوند علی فلاحیان در مورد قتلعام تابستان 67 چنین میگوید: «خبرنگار: آیا اعدامهای سال ۶۷نظر کارشناسی وزارت اطلاعات خدمت حضرت امام (ره) بود. آخوند علی فلاحیان: اصلاً امام فرموده… که حکم محاربین اعدام است. آن زمان هم بر سر این موضوع دعوا بود؛ آقای موسوی تبریزی که میگفت اصلاً محاکمه نمیخواهد و محاکمه در رابطه با کسانی که در حال جنگ با ما هستند، معنا ندارد. عدهیی دیگر از آقایان معتقد بودند دستگیر شدگان محاکمه شوند… ولی امام مرتباً تأکید داشت که مواظب باشید اینها از دستتان در نروند… امام همیشه میگفت از این طرف احتیاط کنید… چطور؟ مثلاً اگر شبههای شد در اینکه کسی قاتل است یا نه، بنا را بر نکشتن بگذاریم اما در مورد مجاهدین امام میگفت به عکس رفتار کنید، من اینها را میشناسم، از دستتان در نروند و حکمشان اعدام است. این حکم ولایی ایشان بود؛ چه قبل از جریان ۶۷چه بعد از آن… قتلعام و رازهای علی فلاحیان – شقاوت خمینی جلاد… بحثی است که برخی اشاره میکنند و میپرسند اینها که محاکمه و محکوم شده بودند چرا دوباره به اعدام محکوم شدند؟ اولاً در ذهن باشد که حکم اینها اعدام است، حتی اگر حاکم شرع هم حکم به اعدام نداده، خلاف کرده است… اگر یک محارب مسلح دستگیر شد، حکمش اعدام است، حتی اگر کسی را نکشته باشد… حکم منافق و محارب اعدام است. این فتوای امام است. در این بحثی نبود. وقتی در سال ۶۷عملیات مرصاد [فروغ جاویدان] انجام شد… بحث بود که چه آنها که اعدامی بودند و چه آنهایی که حکم اعدام نگرفتند، اعدام شوند. نظر امام این بود که چرا نگهشان داشتید، اینها که همین الآن که در زندان هستند، میگویند اگر ما را رها کنید، با شما میجنگیم، به صراحت همهشان میگفتند جنگ ما با شما تمامعیار است. امام فرمود آنهایی که این حرف را میزنند و سر موضعشان هستند، اعدام کنید. نگهداشتن اینها معنا ندارد. خبرنگار: یعنی کلاً فرض بر اعدام بود… علی فلاحیان: … یعنی باز مراجعه کنند و با طرف صحبت کنند ببینند باز سر موضعش هست یا نیست. خبرنگار: ملاک سر موضع بودن چه بود؟ علی فلاحیان: سر موضع یعنی میگفت سازمان را قبول دارم، شما را قبول ندارم… خبرنگار: آیا اینکه از برخی از اینها پرسیده بودند که علت زندانی شدنت چیست، بعد بهخاطر اینکه گفته مثلاً مجاهدم و به صرف اینکه نگفته منافقم، گفتند سر موضع است، درست است؟ علی فلاحیان: … این سه نفر تکبهتک با اینها صحبت میکردند… اینها پرونده را میخواندند، با طرف مصاحبه میکردند… خبرنگار: ما در رابطه با چند نفر داریم صحبت میکنیم؟ من الآن دقیق تعداد اعدامیها را نمیدانم… من نمیدانم ما از آنها چقدر کشتیم… قتلعام و رازهای علی فلاحیان – اعضای هیأت مرگدر اینجا خبرنگار به تأثیر جنبش دادخواهی با شعار «نه جلاد نه شیاد» در نمایش انتخابات اخیر، که موجب شکست مهندسی ولیفقیه علی خامنهای شد، اشاره میکند و با اذعان به حضور آخوند ابراهیم رئیسی در هیأت مرگ قتلعام تابستان 67 میپرسد: خبرنگار: آقای رئیسی که خودشان در آن شورای سه نفره عضویت داشتند. اعضای دیگر چه کسانی بودند؟ چون در ایام انتخابات اخیر نام ایشان مطرح شد. اما آخوند علی فلاحیان که از ذکر سایر اسامی هیأت مرگ طفره میرود، در عوض کل پروسه اعدام زندانیان سیاسی و قتلعام تابستان 67را بر گردن امام دجال میاندازد و میگوید که حکم اعدام و قتلعام از قبل صادر شده بود: علی فلاحیان: «بله، بنده خدا [رئیسی جلاد] هر چه میگفت من حکم ندادم، حکمش را قبلاً صادر کرده بودند، اصلاً کسی [از مردم] به حرفش گوش نمیداد و فکر هم میکردند که آنها [اعدامیها] بیگناهاند… اگر ما آنها را نمیکشتیم که دیگر کشوری وجود نداشت. این حرف من نیست، حرف امام است». خبرنگار سپس در لفافه به انتشار فایل صوتی آقای منتظری اشاره میکند و از آخوند فلاحیان میپرسد: قتلعام تابستان ۶۷ – علی فلاحیان و فایل صوتی منتظریخبرنگار: اشکال آقای منتظری کجا بود؟ آخوند علی فلاحیان: «ایشان با امام هم اختلاف پیدا کردند… بعداً نظری پیدا شد که این اعدامها نهایتاً باعث میشود تاریخ علیه ما و اسلام قضاوت کند. بنابراین خوب است این کار را نکنیم که وقتی بعدها قلم به دست دشمن بیفتد، ما را اینگونه لجنمال نکنند اما امام میفرمود نه وظیفه شرعیتان را انجام دهید و منتظر قضاوت تاریخ نباشید». خبرنگار در اینجا وارد جزئیات میشود میپرسد: خبرنگار: [آیا] همه کسانی که اعدام شدند با اسلحه دستگیر شده بودند؟ علی فلاحیان: نه همهشان شورش مسلحانه کرده بودند اما خیلیهایشان خانه تیمی بود. ما میرفتیم آنجا یکی، دو تا اسلحه بیشتر نبود یا خیلیهایشان را در خیابان دستگیر میکردیم و اسلحه نداشتند. خبرنگار: پس چگونه میشد مصداق شورش مسلحانه؟ علی فلاحیان: خب اینها جزو آن سازمان بودند. خبرنگار: مگر نباید شخصاً دست به اسلحه برده باشند تا حکم محارب بگیرند؟ علی فلاحیان: نه، وقتی کسی عضو جریانی مسلحانه است، چه مسلح باشد چه نه، حکم محارب دارد. خبرنگار: ولو اینکه با یک روزنامه دستگیر شده باشد؟ علی فلاحیان: بله اینها جزو آن سازمان بودند و آمادگی عملیات داشتند، حالا ممکن است کسی امروز برود برای خانه تیمی نان بخرد، یکی برود مثلاً امکانات دیگر تهیه کند ولی بالاخره جزو اینهاست». (سایت حکومتی خزر- ۲۷تیر ۹۶) اعترافات کارگزاران به قتلعام، چرا؟ اما پاسخ به این سؤال خالی از لطف نیست که مگر چه شده است و این اعترافات نشانگر چیست؟ چه چیزی باعث شده آنهایی که در این ۳۸سال فقط زندان و اعدام بلد بودند، حالا یکی یکی به صحنه بیایند و به زبان خود از آن قتلها و قتلعامها بگویند؟ دیروز آخوند جلاد علی رازینی، قبل از او ولیفقیه زهر خورده، علی خامنهای و قبل از او اعضای هیأت مرگ، آخوند ابراهیم رئیسی و آخوند مصطفی پورمحمدی… و سلسله اعترافات ادامه دارد. علی فلاحیان، در کنار حسن روحانی و برادرش حسین روحانی در مراسم تقدیر از فعالان ستاد انتخاباتی حسن روحانیپاسخ یک چیز بیشتر نیست و آن جوشش خون قتلعام شدگان در رگان ارتشی از جوانان عاصی و زنان قهرمان میهن است که در کانونهای هزار اشرف برای تدارک قیام، آتش بپا میکنند. علت یک چیز بیشتر نیست و آن پیشروی قدرتمند خونخواهی جنایات دهه 60و پیشرفت جنبش دادخواهی قتلعام شدگان تابستان ۶۷در جامعه است. رود خروشان خون شهیدان، ضامن پیروزی خلق ما استx x
